Showing posts with label Marxism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Marxism. Show all posts

Sunday, October 29, 2023

"Justicia Social" Failed Venezuela's Indigenous and Mestizo Populations

Capitalism is the road to hell, to the destruction of the world.  …it’s the freedom to oppress, to invade, to kill, to annihilate, and to exploit.”  Hugo Chavez, 2009.

Help me become President and I’ll help you get the land back.”  Hugo Chavez, 1998.

 


The quotes summarize lessons increasingly being taught in U.S. grade schools, high schools, and colleges.  Particularly referenced in “social justice” lessons are indigenous peoples, whose representatives also backed Chavez.  The lessons should be considered with robust reasoning, and compared to data.

My purpose here is to consider the case of Venezuela, where Hugo Chavez was President beginning in 1999, as an alternative to “capitalism” for indigenous peoples and their descendants.  At the time of the above quotes, if not now, two-thirds of the population of Venezuela was mestizo, meaning that each had a mix of indigenous and European ancestry.  A related comparison can be found elsewhere: Cuba and Puerto Rico from 1950 to present.


While many teachers of U.S. students dream about trying something other than capitalism, it became a reality for Venezuelans.  Land was redistributed in the name of equity.  So were petroleum assets, also as promised.

 

Chavez shirts sold well on college campuses.  U.S. intellectuals on the left were “mesmerized” by Chavez.

 

One direct result of land reform was violenceFood became scarce.  No longer satisfied with the assets of “rich people,” the government came for the small businesses too.  Over 7 million Venezuelans have left the country in the past ten years, when the population was about 30 million.

 

This alternative to capitalism, steeped in “justicia social,” did not go well for people with indigenous ancestry.  My comparison here is not with nirvana, but with the capitalism they had before and the capitalism they will get wherever the migrants end up.

 

“Anti-capitalist” and “de-colonial” teachers today rarely mention Venezuela, Cuba, or other real-world alternatives to capitalism.  With only a few exceptions, there is no attempt examine the mistakes of the past so that next time can be different.  Does the omission reveal laziness, or some interest in repeating such experiences?

 

[Image source: https://twitter.com/venanalysis/status/1447981828254617604]

Wednesday, January 13, 2021

Parler Competes Horizontally with Amazon, Apple, and Google?

Parler is a microblogging platform that was cut off from the internet by its web hosting service, Amazon.  Almost as drastic, Apple and Google took steps to prevent the use of Parler on their mobile operating systems.  Unlike Twitter, Amazon, Apple and Google do not describe themselves as microblogging platforms.  At first glance, these would seem to be vertical (i.e., supply chain) relationships with no potential to harm competition.  Wrong!

For brevity, I will not go into the competitive effects of vertical relationships; the recent guidelines jointly issued by DOJ and FTC are thought provoking.  I will also not go into dynamic effects, such as the possibility that Parler's success might ultimately prove to be complementary with "right wing"/"less woke" web hosting services that are obviously competing horizontally with Amazon Web Services (AWS).

My only point here is that an important market in the modern economy is the market for personal data.  Amazon, Apple, Google, Twitter, and Facebook profit immensely in this market.  By now everyone knows that Parler's business model involves "free speech," but if you used the service (as I have) you would be equally exhorted by the platform's attitude toward personal data.  "We never share or sell data. Privacy is our #1 concern.  Your personal data is YOURS" Parler tells its members.

If too many internet users hear and buy into this rhetoric, the incumbent harvesters of personal data -- including especially Amazon, Apple, Google, Twitter, and Facebook -- will pay more (perhaps in kind) and profit less.  From this perspective, AWS' action looks like McDonald's severing the electric lines going into Subway [sandwich] locations at a time when Subway was just gaining traction.

Whether Parler's data rhetoric is correct (I openly questioned it whereas Jaron Lanier predicted that the personal data conflict would flare up particularly among the middle class) is hardly relevant to its harms to big tech.  Analogy: How many employers would like to sponsor classes on Marxism?  Marxism, which paints employers as thieves, is wrong but it nonetheless could harm an employer if it were discussed too much.

The incumbent harvesters of personal data do not want even a slight ideological disturbance of their cash cow.  That looks like horizontal competition to me.

[update: Parler filed a reply today in Parler v. AWS.  The reply noted another type of competition between Parler and Amazon, which is related to the complementarity conditions noted in the vertical merger guidelines.  Specifically, Parler asserts that (a) Twitter is client of AWS and (b) AWS did mention termination of services, even on/after Jan 6, until it learned that Trump was banned from Twitter and thereby likely headed to Parler with millions of Twitter users.]

Monday, July 8, 2019

Marxist Provisions in "Medicare for All"


This post refers to four bills entitled “Medicare for All”: two introduced in the previous Congress (S.1804H.R.676) and two bills recently introduced in the current Congress (S.1129H.R.1384).  Although few people have actual read them, they are popular and enjoy enthusiastic support.  The bills’ titles give the impression that they are merely opening up the U.S. Medicare program to all ages.

The titles belie the actual text.  Closely following Marxist principles, the “Medicare for All” bills eliminate profits and private enterprise in health-related industries.  They centralize decisions about capital investment.  They give healthcare away “for free.”  These provisions are rarely undertaken by other countries and are contrary to media claims that actual Federal policy proposals have little to do with socialism or Marxism.

                                              
Prohibition of profits

The net operating surplus of a business is its revenue minus depreciation, labor costs, and materials costs.  The net operating surplus of an economy is the net operating surplus added across all of its businesses.  It can also be called profit, as long as capital or financing expenses are not subtracted.

According to Karl Marx, net operating surplus exists only because of the exploitation of workers by the capitalist class.[1]  Time preference and other “reasons” for a positive net return on capital are merely bourgeois justifications (i.e., flimsy excuses disseminated by capitalist-financed commentators) for labor exploitation.[2]

Zero net operating surplus is therefore necessary to eliminate exploitation by Marx’s definition.  The two House “Medicare for All” bills (hereafter, M4A) would prohibit health providers from earning profits.  As the new House bill puts it:

There is a moral imperative to correct the massive deficiencies in our current health system and to eliminate profit from the provision of health care.[3]

In contrast, neither profits nor net operating surplus are prohibited in the current Medicare system.


Government ownership of an entire industry’s businesses

Government ownership of the (nonlabor) means of production is one socialist proposal for eliminating profits.[4]  That is, the government would effectively (if not legally) own all businesses in the industry: it would make all business decisions and prohibit private control of any competing enterprises.

All three Medicare for All bills take the “single payer” principle literally and have the government taking over the health insurance industry.  The Federal government would monopolize the industry; private health insurance would be prohibited (it would be legal to sell insurance for “cosmetic surgery or other services and items that are not medically necessary” -- is that health insurance?).  Under the new House bill, the same applies to the medical-advertising industry.  This is contrary to the current Medicare system, which has thousands of private providers, more than one thousand private insurers, and permits advertising.

If consumers were better served by an industry with zero net operating surplus, the prohibition of private enterprises might seem redundant because they would be outcompeted by a nonexploitive (and unsubsidized) government business.  A second justification is therefore added: that health insurance – if not health care in general – has virtually unlimited economies of scale.  A government monopoly of health insurance would purportedly “be more productive by avoiding 'waste' on administrative costs, advertising costs, and profits and would use its bargaining power to obtain better deals from healthcare providers.”[5]

The new house bill also has the Federal government monopolize the dissemination of information to patients and health providers about health goods and services.  Specifically, providers are prohibited from advertising/marketing/promoting their health goods and services and, based on the costs of dissemination, we presume that the Federal government would be the only institution doing it.[6]  Under current Federal policy, providers are permitted to advertise, especially when product promotions involve discounts or the provision of product information.  This activity is especially significant in the pharmaceutical industry, where resources are spent disseminating pharmaceutical information to health professionals.


Central planning: all capital investment is directed and financed by the Federal government

Providers, which would have no profits, are prohibited by the new House bill from using M4A reimbursements to pay for capital investments (Sections 614(b), 614(d) and 611(b)(3)). Capital investments would be approved, prioritized, and financed by the Federal Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).[7]  Charitable contributions cannot be used to supplement the HHS capital budget (Section 614(c)(4)).

In contrast, the current Medicare program allows providers and insurers to make capital investments without HHS approval.


“Free”: Patients receive health goods and services with zero cost sharing

Aside from the normal tax obligations, none of the four M4A bills charge patients for health insurance premiums or at the point of use. 

In contrast, the current Medicare program has premiums and copays to be paid by program participants.


Other countries’ health programs are not so Marxist

Nordic countries are held up as purported proof of concept for Medicare for All, but in fact they do not adopt any of the Marxist provisions above.

All of the Nordic countries’ health systems have user fees or out-of-pocket payments, whose share of overall health spending is similar to what it is currently the case in the United States—although Denmark is the Nordic outlier, in that its patient cost sharing is essentially limited to prescription drugs.[8]

Private and for-profit health providers and health insurers exist in these countries and are accounting for a growing share of the market.

Private health insurance is important in a number of other universal-coverage countries, such as Switzerland, where all residents are required to purchase health insurance.[9]

Even single-payer countries allow providers to promote their products to health professionals.[10]





[1] Marx 1867 refers to net operating surplus as “surplus value.”
[2] Time preference is the term familiar from modern economics; Marx (1867, Chapter 24) called it “abstinence.” (Later Böhm-Bawerk 1890 distinguished the abstinence theory from the modern idea of time preference, but the distinction is unrelated to Marx's discussion of abstinence).
[3] H.R. 1384 Section 614(a), emphasis added.  See also Section 103 of H.R. 676 that requires all health providers to surrender their for-profit status.  For an alternative view, see McCloskey (2016, esp. Chapter 59 and 61).
[4] Marx (1867) focuses more on the existence and magnitude of surplus value rather than the ownership relations that allow it to exist.  See also Roemer (1982).
[5] Quoted from CEA (2019, p. 420).  For evidence of the modern currency of these views, see Kliff (2014), Kliff (2018), Frank (2017), Konrad (2017), and Weisbart (2012).  CEA (2019) notes that historical nationalizations were justified on similar grounds.
[6] H.R. 1384 Section 614(b)(1).
[7] Section 614(c).  Capital investments are defined to be "the construction or renovation of health care facilities, excluding congregate or segregated facilities for individuals with disabilities who receive long term care services and support; and major equipment purchases." (Section 601(a)(6)) and later as "expenses for the purchase, lease, construction, or renovation of capital facilities and for major equipment."
[8] Universal coverage systems are common internationally, but they are different from free health care and from single-payer systems.  Regarding cost sharing, see Rice et al. (2018); Globerman (2016); Anell, GlenngÃ¥rd, and Merkur (2012); Olejaz et al. (2012); Ringard et al. (2013); Sigurgeirsdóttir, Waagfjörð, and Maresso (2014); and Vuorenkoski, Mladovsky, and Mossialos (2008).
[9] See Sturny (2017). The Netherlands achieves universal coverage by mandating the purchase of health insurance from private insurers (Wammes et al. 2017). Private health insurance is also required in Japan (Matsuda 2017).

Saturday, July 6, 2019

Marxist Perspectives on White House Staff Turnover

The labor theory of value (a.k.a., law of value) is an aspect of Marxist theory that still thrives in the marketplace of ideas.  It values anything and everything according to how much labor went into it.

Therefore, for example, Ben Rhodes contributed at least thrice more to the Federal government than, say, Brian Blase because Rhodes served 96 months in the Obama White House (as Deputy National Security Advisor) while Blase served only 29 (as Special Assistant to President Trump for Healthcare Policy).

But let's look at why Rhodes' tenure was 96 months whereas Blase's was 29.  Chapter 23 of Rhodes' memoirs explains that as of 2014 (roughly 70 months in), he expected that his policy accomplishments were still unfinished.
  • Normalizing relations with Cuba (to my personal benefit) did not begin until the 71st month; the President's trip to Cuba was in the 86th month.
  • The Iran deal was not reached until the 78th month.
  • Intervention in Libya (26th month) may have felt like a policy success at the time (Chapter 18 quotes President Obama as saying "In Libya, everything went right--we saved thousands of lives, we didn't have a single casualty...").
Brian Blase's important policy accomplishments came sooner.  He led three (sic) Federal agencies to coauthor three transformative Federal deregulatory actions that were celebrated in the White House Rose Garden in Blase's 29th month.
Indeed, these health insurance deregulations accomplished in 29 months have, as a share of national income, net benefits that are more than half of the legendary deregulation of airlines that began during the Carter Administration, which took more than twice the time that health insurance deregulation did.

Another example is Andrew Bremberg, who served 24 months as President Trump's Director of the Domestic Policy Council.  He had many accomplishments during that time, the most legendary being his leadership of the Administration and the 115th Congress to deregulate by way of the Congressional Review Act.
  • Measured in terms of economic impact, this work was prolific.
  • 16 separate pieces of legislation deregulated education, mining, retirement accounts, and more.  They are expected to increase annual real incomes by more than $40 billion.
  • All of this was achieved in only 15 months.
COS General Kelly (17 months) is another example.  He came early in the Administration when more efficient operating procedures were needed and, as in earlier Administrations (this one had its first-year middle-east policy dictated by leaks), leaks needed to be reduced.  Like Doug Collins did for the Jordan-era Chicago Bulls, General Kelly improved the organization.  With Kelly's accomplishments in place, it was time for a different set of talents.  Mulvaney is the White House's Phil Jackson with both political successes (i.e., winning elections himself) and an impressive analytical mind.

Undoubtedly there are Trump Administration officials with both short tenures and short accomplishments.  But the above is enough to show how misleading are the turnover statistics.

You might assert that Blase and Bremberg had easier jobs than Rhodes did because the former were "merely" undoing actions of a previous Administration.  That assertion certifies mastery of the labor theory of value.

[The labor theory of value has endured since Marx.  Other important parts of Marxist theory did not, but made a comeback recently.  I will write about those next.]




Wednesday, July 3, 2019

Critiques of Single-payer: Why Did They Take So Long to be Discovered?

It is now routine for Democrats to be asked in town halls, debates, etc. "Who here would abolish their private health insurance in favor of a government-run plan?"  But why did it take so long to pose this question to advocates of "single-payer" health systems?

As a matter of economics, it should be obvious that the health insurance market would not be served by a single seller unless there were tremendous barriers to entry.  E.g., criminalizing any private enterprise that attempts to sell or otherwise provide health insurance.  Without stark penalties, regardless of the details of government plans, there would be gains from trade between private insurers and at least a small segment of consumers if not more.  With private insurers, the market is no longer "single payer" (as long as "single" refers to "one"). 

For this reason, bills in Congress proposing to transform the U.S. market into single payer outlaw private health insurance.  Take Senator Bernie Sanders 2013 (sic) American Health Security Act's "enactment of a Medicare-for-All Single Payer Health Care System" by "Requir[ing] each state health security program to prohibit the sale of health insurance in that state...."

Why didn't Mrs. Clinton ever raise this point when Senator Sanders was campaigning against her for the 2016 Democratic nomination?

Why didn't Joe Crowley raise this point when campaigning against AOC in 2018?

One possible answer is overconfidence in victory.  But overconfidence did not stop Clinton supporters from calling Sanders a socialist during the 2016 primary, or Clinton positioning herself as a defender of capitalism.  Why not make it more concrete to regular people and alert the 180 million consumers of private health insurance that their product would become illegal?

I think part of the answer is that few people actually read the single-payer bills in Congress (I observed the same with the "stimulus" law and with the ACA) or think through the economics of how single payer can operate even in principle.

From the first day I arrived at White House CEA, I told anyone who would listen: "Medicare for All bills in Congress will outlaw the sale of private health insurance and outlaw the provision of health insurance as part of employment."  They thought I was kidding.  Because capable politicians do not give such gifts to their opponents, what I said could not be true.  I began carrying the relevant bill sections in my jacket pocket for the benefit of the doubting Thomases; only after that did the President's speeches (which are preread by EOP staff) begin to include the disturbing and incredible truths about "Medicare for All" (an earlier alarm bell was here).

It turns out that I have a talent for finding rock-solid facts that journalists would vigorously deny (see Jim Acosta here, noting that the President wrote about "the Democrat proposal 'Medicare for All'", which USA today shortened to "Democrats" in its byline).  A few months later, journalists finally stopped denying the plain text of the Medicare for All bill and began querying Democrats as to whether they support the abolition of private health insurance.

(Medicare for All bills also adhere remarkably closely to Marxist theory, but that is primarily of academic interest so I will post on it later.)

[For those interested in the technicalities, Medicare for All outlaws any private insurance (individual or employer) that covers any normal medical service.  Specifically (from page 421 the 2019 Economic Report of the President, referring to the 2017 bills): “medically necessary or appropriate”
  • hospital services,
  • ambulatory patient services,
  • primary and preventive services,
  • prescription drugs,
  • medical devices,
  • biological products,
  • mental health services,
  • substance abuse treatment,
  • laboratory/diagnostic services,
  • reproductive care,
  • maternity care,
  • newborn care,
  • pediatrics,
  • oral health services,
  • audiology services,
  • vision services, or short-term rehabilitative and habilitative services and devices (sections 107 and 201 of the “Medicare for All” Act of 2017 and section 104 of the House bill).
The House bill (section 102) goes further with
  • dietary and nutritional therapies,
  • long-term care,
  • palliative care,
  • chiropractic services,
  • and podiatric care.
The 2019 bills further add to this list. 
]